PDF | As one of Asian countries, Indonesia has varied of cultures and religions. This variety affects positive laws in Indonesia, one of them is inheritance law. Mar 12, Request PDF on ResearchGate | Inheritance Laws in Indonesia | Indonesia implements civil law system. There are three sub legal systems. give to it, and Indonesia's legal system is now operated by Indonesians, not Dutchmen. influence of these two developments on adat inheritance case law.
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A cultural inheritance: the transmission of traditional ikat weaving in the islands of Indonesia. Christopher D Buckley. C. Buckley. 10th International Shibori. Status and rights of a daughter under Islamic inheritance law form disagreement among scholars. View PDF Download PDF In Indonesia, shift in system of Islamic inheritance from strictly following the original opinions of Islamic scholars . This guide summarizes the gift, estate and inheritance tax systems and describes wealth transfer planning considerations in 39 jurisdictions and territories.
Islamic Inheritance Law, Son Preference and Fertility Behavior of Muslim Couples in Indonesia
The terminological sensitivities that have aroused passions for nearly a century on the streets of Indonesia indicate, therefore, the prob- lematic relationship of Chinese-Indonesians with the rest of the Indonesian imagined community.
Emulating mainland Chinese nationalism, Indies Chinese began to eschew Cina as un- acceptable and to express a preference for Tionghoa as the proper term by which to identify themselves.
Consequently, when the Suharto regime prescribed the use of Cina, it seemed like a much delayed settling of the score of For them the word is devoid of haunting memories. The broad-minded among Chinese-Indonesians would admit that they, too, are culpable in their regu- lar use of the derogatory word Huana, meaning barbarian, or the even more demeaning tiekoh, to refer to pribumi-Indonesians.
The necessity to include everyone in discourse and long usage have neutralized the term for certain people.
The word has been reembraced in the name of a new political party, the Partai Reformasi Tionghoa Indonesia Parti , which aims to harmonize the relations of Chinese-Indonesians with all In- donesians.
Among other factors, the escape to the seemingly neutral English word has been made fashionable in no small measure by education in Singapore, where the Chinese constitute the upper caste and where the English term itself has been in use for a century of colonial and postcolonial census-taking. Based on the Hokkien for zhongguo, Tiongkok also began to be used in the Indies to refer to China.
In the Netherlands Indies, Tionghoa acquired a popular currency by the s, that is, much earlier than on the mainland, where Zhonghua apparently began to be used extensively only since the s.
Indeed, some of them dislike the word Tionghoa because, in their view, it refers to an alien origin about which they do not want to be reminded. On the other hand, the checkered history of the term Tionghoa and its previously unproblematic appropriation into bahasa indi- cate an Indonesianized strain and offer grounds for imagining the word as indigenous to Indonesia—even as the same word is reckoned by some Chinese-Indonesians as indigenous in another sense.
The designation varies by gender, locality, generation, socioeconomic position, occupation, and readiness of individuals to strip themselves further of markers of Chineseness. Liberation in these ponderous domains would, I think, help resolve, if not minimize the centrality of, the search for the right semantics of group appellation.
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In a series of laws and international treaties, the Indonesian republic offered citizenship to local-born Chinese even as the mainland insisted reso- lutely until the mids on claiming them as its citizens. Amid decades of legal confusions, political upheavals, international realignments, and ideological maneuvers, about half of the Chinese in Indonesia ended up possessing Chinese citizenship while the other half acquired Indonesian citizenship.
Persisting until the s under the umbrella of the Cold War, the policies on access to nominal citizenship left the Chinese collectively with a Janus face. As part of its project to reincorporate the huaqiao and strengthen its demand to open consulates in the Netherlands Indies, the Manchu rulers promulgated in March an imperial decree based on the principle of jus sanguinis, by which every child of a Chinese father or mother, regardless of birthplace, was claimed as a Chinese subject.
In a move unmatched by, say, the U. With the issue of dual nationality settled for the moment, the way was opened for a consular agreement to be signed in May At the same time, Dutch subjecthood of the Indies-born remained in place. Contrary to expectations, By the [Indonesian] government was startled to learn that between , and ,—or approximately 40 percent—of the local-born Chinese had formally rejected Indonesian citizenship.
Since nearly an- other million Chinese were foreign-born and were thus already consid- ered [PRC] nationals, about half the entire Chinese population now had to be considered mainland citizens, according to the provisions of the Round Table Conference.
This result had not been anticipated, and it raised grave doubts about the genuineness of the loyalty of the other half of the Chinese population, who had simply said nothing. The treaty was a historic achievement as China relinquished its old claim that all persons of Chinese descent re- mained Chinese citizens, even if they had acquired another citizenship.
In the interim, anti-Chinese laws and regulations were promulgated with the object of promoting asli business interests. In Indonesia issued a citizen- ship law whose contours followed the dual nationality treaty. From this period onward the alleged meddling by the PRC in Indonesian politics ended, along with the disengagement from the political arena by concerned Chinese.
In the regime ordered the reregistration of everyone of Chinese descent, whether alien or WNI. Henceforth Chineseness was to be inscribed primarily in two ways: Consequently, today keturunan is associated with Chinese, regardless of WNI or alien status.
The keturunan have been consigned to a time that stood still because of the imagined irreconcilability of inside and outside, of the eternal and the temporal, of the unsearchable and the knowable. Chinese persons shared the ignominy of being issued cards bearing a special code along with former political prisoners, most of whom were members of the PKI, the Communist Party of Indonesia.
At the same time, in a pattern analogous to events throughout most of Southeast Asia, many of the subsequent gener- ations of Chinese born in Indonesia have not been conversant in Chinese languages, and they possess pribumi names and feel part of their country of birth. Although, strictly speaking, the application for the proof of citizenship was not a naturaliza- tion procedure all over again, without this document the citizenship of the children of naturalized parents was deemed unascertainable.
In effect, de- rivative naturalization was not presumed. Consequently, the dichotomous scheme of citizenship of the past remains categorically in place. The procedure of applying for a surat bukti serves as a persistent reminder of formal citizenship as a favor granted, hence, a favor that can be withdrawn at any time.
We can start to develop our country without them. A con- scious dream may be to excise the wart, but the unconscious hope is that the wart will merely stay without hurting. Historically, the tentativeness and liminality of the Chinese presence in Indonesia has been fostered by the steady stream of migrants and some amount of return migration during the colonial era.
Moreover, during — , in the wake of restrictions on alien retail trade and residence and the forcible removable by the military of Chinese traders in the villages of West Java, an estimated , persons sought passage to China.
This image has been reinforced by the rise to economic-political prominence of totok capitalists during the New Order, among the most prominent being Liem Sioe Liong Sudono Salim , and despite the fact that Muhammad Bob Hasan is widely reputed to be peranakan.
This stance originally grew out of the rivalries in the batik industry in the s between Indies Chinese and Muslim traders and manufacturers, the struggle that even- tuated in the formation of Sarekat Islam. The resulting stigmatization of Chinese wealth because it is derived from commerce, although not peculiar to Indonesia, safely obscures or forgets the wealth of pribumi middle and upper classes and denies the existence of poverty and the lower class among the Chinese.
In a timeless social structure, poverty and cunning stalk the alien moneymaker.
Because the popular con- ception seems to have no room for the idea of capital accumulation as a self-sustaining secular process, it is presumed that Chinese wealth is nonin- heritable; thus wealth must be self-generated, and unscrupulously at that. Lending such imagery its pointed edge is the perception that, ultimately, the specter of the totok pauperizes the vast majority of Indonesians: The now largely unques- tioned status of aristocratic wealth as disenchanted but legitimate inheritance stands in marked opposition to the radical enchantment of Chinese wealth as unceasing expropriation from the masses.
Results and Discussion codified procedures that include a certain amount of ritual. The novice is expected to learn and follow these My conversations confirmed that weavers, who are all procedures precisely. I discuss this finding in more detail below, since it reveals something about the learning process in this particular area.
Part of the motivation for many weavers in ENT is economic: This situation has changed somewhat in the last decade with the appearance in China of weavers who produce decorated items for sale, both for sale to tourists and to families who no longer have daughters who weave.
In this respect some weavers in Guizhou are moving towards a model that is similar to the traditional situation in ENT. Figure 2: Weaving a length of cloth decorated with ikat, that will form part of a sarong, in the village of The economic aspects, and the presence of novice Pamakayo, Solor.
Weaving is a public, sometimes weavers who are self-motivated and able to guide their communal activity in this region. Young women are her weaving and provides occasional advice, and in obliged to participate in an economy that is cash-based, return she expects help with tasks such as yarn and must balance weaving against other demands on preparation, dyeing and warping the loom. Older their time.
Because the making of bridewealth sarongs weavers tend to be somewhat impatient with novices can provide an income for some of its practitioners, the and critical of their efforts. Novices are helped however economic aspects can be crucial in determining whether by the fact that most weaving activities in ENT take the skills are passed on or not, and whether interest is place out of doors, with weavers working singly or in sustained through the lengthy apprenticeship period.
The economic aspect preparation. Conclusions I found a lot of variation between weavers in motivation for learning. In most community and is passed from mother to daughter, the villages many women weave but not all do: Learning takes place via a weaving them. Both of these factors must be in par this signifies their pride in overcoming obstacles in place in order for a tradition to continue.
Tibetan Furniture Thames and Hudson, and transmission of weaving. He lives in Hong Kong and in the UK. References Barnes R.
The ikat textiles of Lamalera. Brill; Bloch, Maurice. Essays on cultural transmission: Panggung Jurnal Seni, 24 1 , Bandung: CV. Bintang Warli Artika. Julia, J. Rochmat, N.
Resital: Jurnal Seni Pertunjukan, 14 1 , Miles, M. Analisis data kualitatif: Buku sumber tentang metode-metode baru. Translation by Tjetjep Rohendi Rohidi. Jakarta: Universitas Indonesia Press.
Jakarta: PT. Raja Grafindo Persada. Soehardjo, A.Co-segregation of phenotyphically similar dominant response to nine potyviruses. Tyasrinestu, F.
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Most users should sign in with their email address. Popular Radicalism in Java, — Ithaca, N.
Cornell Southeast Asia Program, , 1—7. In other words, for some, the absence of state provocateurs might have meant a deep rupture in the conventional story of Chinese engagement with Indonesian society. Lackney, R. HortScience Download pdf.